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Baron d'Holbach Part 2

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J'ai l'honneur de vous envoyer ci-joint la liste des ouvrages dont M. Liege fils pourrait entreprendre la traduction. Je n'en connais actuellement point d'autres qui meritent l'attention du public. M.

Macquer m'a ecrit une lettre qui a pour objet les memes choses dont vous m'avez fait l'honneur de me parler, et je lui fais la meme reponse.

J'ai l'honneur d'etre avec respect, Monsieur,

Votre tres obeissant serviteur D'HOLBACH a Paris ce 6 d'avril 1761

The list of books was as follows:



1. Johann Kunckel's _Laboratorium Chymic.u.m_, 8vo.

2. Georg Ernest Stahl's _Commentary on Becher's Metallurgy_, 8vo.

3. _Concordantia Chymica Becheri_, 40, published by Stahl.

4. _Cadmologia_, or the _Natural History of Cobalt_, by J. G. Lehmann, Berlin, 1760, 4.

After 1760 Holbach became interested in another line of intellectual activity, namely the writing and translation of anti-religious literature. His first book of this sort really appeared in 1761 although no copies bear this date. From 1767 on however he published a great many works of this character. It is convenient to deal first with his translations of English deistical writers. They are in chronological order.

1. _Esprit du clerge, ou le Christianisme primitif venge des entreprises et des exces de nos Pretres modernes_. Londres (Amsterdam), 1767. This book appeared in England in 1720 under the t.i.tle of _The Independent Whig_; its author was Thomas Gordon (known through his Commentaries on Sall.u.s.t and Tacitus) who wrote in collaboration with John Trenchard. The book was partially rewritten by Holbach and then touched up by Naigeon, who, according to a ma.n.u.script note by his brother, "atheised it as much as possible." It was sold with great secrecy and at a high price--a reward which the colporters demanded for the risk they ran in peddling seditious literature. The book was a violent attack on the spirit of domination which characterized the Christian priesthood at that time.

2. _De L'imposture sacerdotale, ou Recueil de Pieces sur le clerge_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1767. Another edition 1772 under t.i.tle _De la Monstruosite pontificale_ etc.

Contains translations of various pamphlets including Davisson, _A true picture of Popery_; Brown, _Popery a Craft_, London 1735; Gordon, _Apology for the danger of the church_, 1719; Gordon, _The Creed of an Independent Whig_, 1720.

3. _Examen des Propheties qui servent de fondement a la religion Chretienne_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1768. Translation of Anthony Collins, _A Discourse on the Grounds and Reasons of the Christian Religion_, London, 1724. Contains also _The Scheme of literal Prophecy considered_, 1727, also by Collins in answer to the works of Clarke, Sherlock, Chandler, Sykes, and especially to Whiston's _Essay towards restoring the text of the Old Testament_, one of the thirty-five works directed against Collins' original _"Discourse"_. Copies of this work have become very rare.

4. _David, ou l'histoire de l'homme selon le coeur de Dieu_. Londres (Amsterdam), 1768. This work appeared in England in 1761 and is attributed to Peter Annet, also to John Noorthook. Some English eulogists of George II, Messrs. Chandler, Palmer and others, had likened their late King to David, "the man after G.o.d's own heart." The deists, struck by the absurdity of the comparison, proceeded to relate all the scandalous facts they could find recorded of David, and by clever distortions painted him as the most execrable of Kings, in a work ent.i.tled _David or the Man after G.o.d's Own Heart_, which formed the basis of Holbach's translation.

5. _Les pretres demasques ou des iniquites du clerge chretien_. Londres, 1768. Translation of four discourses published under the t.i.tle _The Ax laid to the root of Christian Priestcraft by a layman_, London, T.

Cooper, 1742. A rare volume.

6. _Lettres philosophiques..._ Londres (Amsterdam, 1768). Translation of J. Toland's _Letters to Serena_, London, 1704. The book, which had become very rare in Holbach's time, had caused a great scandal at the time of its publication and was much sought after by collectors. It contains five letters, the first three of which are by Toland, the other two and the preface by Holbach and Naigeon. The matters treated are, the origin of prejudices, the dogma of the immortality of the soul, idolatry, superst.i.tion, the system of Spinoza and the origin of movement in matter.

Diderot said of these works, in writing to Mlle. Volland Nov. 22, 1768 (_Oeuvres_, Vol. XVIII, p. 308): "Il pleut des bombes dans la maison du Seigneur. Je tremble toujours que quelqu'un de ces temeraires artilleurs-la ne s'en trouve mal. Ce sont les _Lettres philosophiques_ traduites, ou supposees traduites, de l'anglais de Toland; c'est _l'Examen des propheties_; c'est la _Vie de David ou de l'homme selon la coeur de Dieu_, ce sont melle diables dechaines.--Ah! Madame de Blacy, je crains bien que le Fils de l'Homme ne soit a la porte; que la venue d'Elie ne soit proche, et que nous ne touchions au regne de l'Anti-christ. Tous les jours, quand je me leve, je regarde par ma fenetre, si la grande prost.i.tuee de Babylone ne se promene point deja dans les rues avec sa grande coupe a la main et s'il ne se fait aucun des signes predits dans le firmament."

7. _De la Cruaute religieuse_, Londres (Amsterdam). _Considerations upon war, upon cruelty in general and religious cruelty in particular_, London, printed for Thomas Hope, 1761.

8. _Dissertation critique sur les tourmens de l'enfer_ printed in an original work, _L'Enfer detruit_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1769. A translation of Whitefoot's _The Torments of h.e.l.l, the foundation and pillars thereof discover'd, search'd, shaken and remov'd_. London, 1658.

9. In the _Recueil philosophique_ edited by Naigeon, Londres (Amsterdam), 1770. I. Dissertation sur l'immortalite de l'ame.

Translated from Hume. II. Dissertation sur le suicide (Hume). III.

Extrait d'un livre Anglais qui a pour t.i.tre le Christianisme aussi ancien que le monde. (Tindal, Christianity as old as Creation.)

10. _Esprit de Judasme, ou Examen raisonne de la Loi de Moyse_. Londres (Amsterdam), 1770 (1769), translated from Anthony Collins. With the exception of some of Holbach's own works this is one of the fiercest denunciations of Judaism and Christianity to be found in print. In fact, it is very much in the style of Holbach's anti-religious works and shows beyond a doubt that Holbach derived his inspiration from Collins and the more radical of the English school. The volume has become exceedingly rare.

After outlining the history of Judaism the book ends thus:

Ose, donc enfin, o Europe! secouer le joug insupportable des prejuges qui t'affligent. Laisse a des Hebreux stupides, a des frenetiques imbeciles, a des Asiatiques laches et degrades, ces superst.i.tions aussi avilissantes qu'insensees: elles ne sont point faites pour les habitans de ton climat. Occupe-toi du soin de perfectionner tes gouvernemens, de corriger tes lois, de reformer tes abus, de regler tes moeurs, et ferme pour toujours les yeux a ces vraies chimeres, qui depuis tant de siecles n'ont servi qu'a r.e.t.a.r.der tes progres vers la science veritable et a t'ecarter de la route du bonheur.

11. _Examen critique de la vie et des ouvrages de Saint Paul_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1770. A free translation of Peter Annet's _History and character of St. Paul examined_, written in answer to Lyttelton. New edition 1790 and translated back into English "from the French of Boulanger," London, R. Carlile, 1823. A rather unsympathetic account, but with flashes of real insight into "le systeme religieux des Chretiens dont S. Paul fut evidemment le veritable architecte." (Epitre dedicatoire.)

Annet said of Paul's type of man "l'enthousiaste s'enivre, pour l'ainsi dire, de son propre vin, il se persuade que la cause de ses pa.s.sions est la cause de Dieu (p. 72), mais quelque violent qu'ait pu etre l'enthousiasme de S. Paul, il sentait tres bien que la doctrine qu'il prechait devait paraitre bizarre et insensee a des etres raisonnables"

(p. 141).

12. _De la nature humaine, ou Exposition des facultes, des actions et des pa.s.sions de l'ame_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1772. (Thomas Hobbes.) Reprinted in a French Edition of Hobbes' works by Holbach and Sorbiere, 1787. Appeared first in English in 1640, omitted in a Latin Edition of Hobbes printed in Amsterdam. In spite of its brevity, Holbach considered this one of Hobbes' most important and luminous works.

13. _Discours sur les Miracles de Jesus Christ_ (Amsterdam, 1780?).

Translated from Woolston, whom Holbach admired very much for his uncompromising att.i.tude toward truth. He suffered fines and imprisonments, but would not give up the privilege of writing as he pleased. The present discourse was the cause of a quarrel with his friend Whiston. He died Jan. 27, 1733, "avec beaucoup de fermete...

il se ferma les yeux et la bouche de ses propres mains, et rendit l'esprit." This work exists in a ma.n.u.script book of 187 pages, written very fine, in the Bibliotheque Nationale (Mss. francais 15224) and was current in France long before 1780. In fact it is mentioned by Grimm before 1770, but the dictionaries (Barber, Querard) generally date it from 1780.

Before turning to Holbach's original works mention should be made of a very interesting and extraordinary book that he brought to light, retouched, and later used as a kind of s.h.i.+eld against the attacks of the parliaments upon his own works.

In 1766 he published a work ent.i.tled _L'Antiquite devoilee par ses usages, ou Examen critique des princ.i.p.ales Opinions, Ceremonies et Inst.i.tutions religieuses et politiques des differens Peuples de la Terre_. Par feu M. Boulanger, Amsterdam, 1766. This is a work based on an original ma.n.u.script by Boulanger, who died in 1759, preceded by an excellent letter on him by Diderot, published also in the _Gazette Litteraire_.

The use made by Holbach of Boulanger's name makes it necessary to consider for a moment this almost forgotten writer. Nicholas Antoine Boulanger was born in 1722. As a child he showed so little apt.i.tude for study that later his teachers could scarcely believe that he had turned out to be a really learned man. As Diderot observes, "ces exemples d'enfans, rendus ineptes entre les mains des Pedans qui les abrutissent en depit de la nature la plus heureuse, ne sont pas rares, cependant ils surprennent toujours" (p. 1). Boulanger studied mathematics and architecture, became an engineer and was employed by the government as inspector of bridges and highways. He pa.s.sed a busy life in exacting outdoor work but at the same time his active intellect played over a large range of human interests. He became especially concerned with historical origins and set himself to learn Latin and Greek that he might get at the sources. Not satisfied that he had come to the root of the matter he learned Arabic, Syriac, Hebrew and Chaldean. Diderot says "Il lisait et etudiait partout, je l'ai moi-meme rencontre sur les grandes routes avec un auteur rabinnique a la main." He made a _mappemonde_ in which the globe is divided in two hemispheres, one occupied by the continents, the other by the oceans, and by a singular coincidence he found that the meridian of the continental hemisphere pa.s.sed through Paris. Some such rearrangement of hemispheres is one of the commonplaces of modern geography. He furnished such articles as, _Deluge, Corvee, Societe_ for the Encyclopedia and wrote several large and extremely learned books, among them _Recherches sur l'origine du Despotisme oriental_ and _Antiquite devoilee_. He died from overwork at the age of thirty-seven.

Boulanger's ideas on philosophy, mythology, anthropology and history are of extraordinary interest today. Diderot relates his saying--"Que si la philosophie avait trouve tant d'obstacles parmi nous c'etait qu'on avait commence par ou il aurait fallu finir, par des maximes abstraites, des raisonnemens generaux, des reflexions subtiles qui ont revolte par leur etrangete et leur hardiesse et qu'on aurait admises sans peine si elles avaient ete precedees de l'histoire des faits." He carried over this inductive method into realm of history, which he thought had been approached from the wrong side, i.e., the metaphysical, "par consulter les lumieres de la raison" (p. 8). He continues, "j'ai pense qu'il devait y avoir quelques circonstances _particulieres_. Un fait et non une speculation metaphysique m'a toujours semble devoir etre et tribut naturel et necessaire de l'histoire." Curiously enough the central fact in history appeared to Boulanger to be the deluge, and on the basis of it he attempted to interpret the _Kulturgeschichte_ of humanity. It is a bit unfortunate that he took the deluge quite as literally as he did; his idea, however, is obviously the influence of environmental pressure on the changing beliefs and practices of mankind. Under the spell of this new point of view, he writes, "Ce qu'on appelle l'histoire n'en est que la partie la plus ingrate, la plus uniforme, la plus inutile, quoi qu'elle soit la plus connue. La veritable histoire est couverte par le voile des temps" (p. 7). Boulanger however was not to be daunted and on the firm foundation of the fact of some ancient and universal catastrophe, as recorded on the surface of the earth and in human mythology, he proceeds to inquire into the moral effects of the changes in the physical environment back to which if possible the history of antiquity must be traced. Man's defeat in his struggle with the elements made him religious, _hinc prima mali labes_. "Son premier pas fut un faux pas, sa premiere maxime fut une erreur" (p. 4 sq). But it was not his fault nor has time repaired the evil moral effects of that early catastrophe. "Les grandes revolutions physiques de notre globe sont les veritables epoques de l'histoire des nations" (p. 9). Hence have arisen the various psychological states through which mankind has pa.s.sed.

Contemporary savages are still in the primitive state--Boulanger properly emphasizes the relation of anthropology to history--"On apercoit qu'il y a une nouvelle maniere de voir et d'ecrire l'histoire des hommes" (p. 12) and with a vast store of anthropological and folklorist learning he writes it so that his a.s.sailant, Fabry d'Autrey, in his _Antiquite justifiee_ (Paris, 1766) is obliged to say with truth, "Ce n'est point ici un tissus de mensonges grossiers, de sophismes rebattus et bouffons, appliques d'un air meprisant aux objets les plus interessants pour l'humanite. C'est une enterprise serieuse et reflechie" (p. 11).

In 1767 Holbach published his first original work, a few copies of which had been printed in Nancy in 1761. This work was _Le Christianisme devoile ou Examen des principes et des effets de la religion Chretienne_. Par feu M. Boulanger. Londres (Amsterdam), 1767. There were several other editions the same year, one printed at John Wilkes'

private press in Westminster. It was reprinted in later collections of Boulanger's works, and went through several English and Spanish editions. The form of the t.i.tle and the attribution of the work to Boulanger were designed to set persecution on the wrong track. There has been some discussion as to its authors.h.i.+p. Voltaire and Laharpe attributed it to Damilaville, at whose book shop it was said to have been sold, but M. Barbier has published detailed information given him by Naigeon to the effect that Holbach entrusted his ma.n.u.script to M. De Saint-Lambert, who had it printed by Leclerc at Nancy in 1761. Most of the copies that got to Paris at that time were bought by several officers of the King's regiment then in garrison at Nancy, among them M.

de Villevielle, a friend of Voltaire and of Condorcet. Damilaville did not sell a single copy and even had a great deal of trouble to get one for Holbach who waited for it a long time. This circ.u.mstantial evidence is of greater value than the statement of Voltaire who was in the habit of attributing anonymous works to whomever he pleased. [39:2]

The edition of 1767 was printed in Amsterdam as were most of Holbach's works. We have the details of their publication from Naigeon _cadet_, a copyist, whose brother, J. A. Naigeon, was Holbach's literary factotum.

In a ma.n.u.script note in his copy of the _Systeme de la Nature_ he tells how he copied nearly all Holbach's works, either at Paris or at Sedan, where he was stationed, and where his friend Blon, the postmaster, aided him, pa.s.sing the ma.n.u.scripts on to a Madame Loncin in Liege, who in turn was a correspondent of Marc-Michel Rey, the printer in Amsterdam.

Sometimes they were sent directly by the diligence or through travellers. This account agrees perfectly with information given M.

Barbier orally by Naigeon _aine_. After being printed in Holland the books were smuggled into France _sous le manteau_, as the expression is, and sold at absurd rates by colporters. [40:3]

Diderot writing to Falconet early in 1768 [40:4] says: "Il pleut des livres incredules. C'est un feu roulant qui crible le sanctuaire de toutes parts... L'intolerance du gouvernment s'accroit de jour en jour.

On dirait que c'est un projet forme d'eteindre ici les lettres, de ruiner le commerce de librairie et de nous reduire a la besace et a la stupidite... _Le Christianisme devoile_ s'est vendu jusqu'a quatre louis."

When caught the colporters were severely punished. Diderot gives the following instance in a letter to Mlle. Volland Oct. 8, 1768 (Avezac-Lavigne, _Diderot_, p. 161): "Un apprenti avait recu, en payment ou autrement, d'un colporteur appele Lecuyer, deux exemplaires du _Christianisme devoile_ et il avait vendu un de ces exemplaires a son patron. Celui-ci le defere au lieutenant de police. Le colporteur, sa femme et l'apprenti sont arretes tous les trois; ils viennent d'etre pilories, fouettes et marques, et l'apprenti cond.a.m.ne a neuf ans de galeres, le colporteur a cinq ans, et la femme a l'hopital pour toute sa vie."

There are two very interesting pieces of contemporary criticism of _Le Christianisme devoile_, one by Voltaire, the other by Grimm. Voltaire writes in a letter to Madame de Saint Julien December 15, 1766 (_Oeuvres_, XLIV, p. 534, ed. Garnier): "Vous m'apprenez que, dans votre societe, on m'attribue _Le Christianisme devoile_ par feu M. Boulanger, mais je vous a.s.sure que les gens au fait ne m'attribuent point du tout cet ouvrage. J'avoue avec vous qu'il y a de la clarte, de la chaleur, et quelque fois de l'eloquence; mais il est plein de repet.i.tions, de negligences, de fautes contre la langue et je serais tres-fache de l'avoir fait, non seulement comme academicien, mais comme philosophe, et encore plus comme citoyen.

"Il est entierement oppose a mes principes. Ce livre conduit a l'atheisme que je deteste. J'ai toujours regarde l'atheisme comme le plus grand egarement de la raison, parce qu'il est aussi ridicule de dire que l'arrangement du monde ne prouve pas un artisan supreme qu'il serait impertinent de dire qu'une horloge ne prouve pas un horloger.

"Je ne reprouve pas moins ce livre comme citoyen; l'auteur parait trop ennemi des puissances. Des hommes qui penseraient comme lui ne formeraient qu'une anarchie: et je vois trop, par l'example de Geneve, combien l'anarchie est a craindre. Ma coutume est d'ecrire sur la marge de mes livres ce que je pense d'eux, vous verrez, quand vous daignerez venir a Ferney, les marges de _Christianisme devoile_ charges de remarques qui montrent que l'auteur s'est trompe sur les faits les plus essentiels." These notes may be read in Voltaire's works (Vol. x.x.xI, p.

129, ed. Garnier) and the original copy of _Le Christianisme devoile_ in which he wrote them is in the British Museum (c 28, k 3) where it is jealously guarded as one of the most precious autographs of the Patriarch of Ferney.

Grimm's notice is from the _Correspondance Litteraire_ of August 15, 1763 (Vol. V, p. 367). "Il existe un livre int.i.tule _le Christianisme devoile ou Examen des principes et des effets de la religion Chretienne_, par feu M. Boulanger, volume in 8. On voit d'abord qu'on lui a donne ce t.i.tre pour en faire le pendant de _l'Antiquite devoilee_; mais il ne faut pas beaucoup se connaitre en maniere pour sentir que ces deux ouvrages ne sont pas sortis de la meme plume. On peut a.s.surer avec la meme cert.i.tude que celui dont nous parlons ne vient point de la fabrique de Ferney, parce que j'aimerais mieux croire que le patriache eut pris la lune avec ses dents; cela serait moins impossible que de guetter sa maniere et son allure si completement qu'il n'en restat aucune trace quelconque. Par la meme raison, je ne crois ce livre d'aucun de nos philosophes connus, parce que je n'y trouve la maniere d'aucun de ceux qui ont ecrit. D'u vient-il donc? Ma foi, je serais fache de le savoir, et je crois que l'auteur aura sagement fait de ne mettre personne dans son secret. C'est le livre le plus hardi et le plus terrible qui ait jamais parti dans aucun lieu du monde. La preface consiste dans une lettre ou l'auteur examine si la religion est reellement necessaire ou seulement utile au maintien ou a la police des empires, et s'il convient de la respecter sous ce point de vue. Comme il etablit la negative, il entreprend en consequence de prouver, par son ouvrage, l'absurdite et l'incoherence du dogme Chretien et de la mythologie qui en resulte, et l'influence de cette absurdite sur les tetes et sur les ames. Dans la seconde partie, il examine la morale chretienne, et il pretend prouver que dans ses principes generaux elle n'a aucun avantage sur toutes les morales du monde, parce que la justice et la bonte sont recommandees dans tous les catechismes de l'univers, et que chez aucun peuple, quelque barbare qu'il fut, on n'a jamais enseigne qu'il fallut etre injuste et mechant. Quant a ce que la morale chretienne a de particulier, l'auteur pretend demontrer qu'elle ne peut convenir qu'a des enthousiastes peu propres aux devoirs de la societe, pour lesquels les hommes sont dans ce monde. Il entreprend de prouver, dans la troisieme partie, que la religion chretienne a eu les effets politiques les plus sinistres et les plus funestes, et que le genre humain lui doit tous les malheurs dont il a ete accable depuis quinze a dix-huit siecles, sans qu'on en puisse encore prevoir la fin.

Ce livre est ecrit avec plus de vehemence que de veritable eloquence; il entraine. Son style est chatie et correct, quoique un peu dur et sec; son ton est grave et soutenu. On n'y apprend rien de nouveau, et cependant il attache et interesse. Malgre son incroyable temerite, on ne peut refuser a l'auteur la qualite d'homme de bien fortement epris du bonheur de sa race et de la prosperite des societes; mais je pense que ses bonnes intentions seraient une sauvegarde bien faible contre les mandements et les requisitions." This is a clear and fair account of a book that is without doubt the severest criticism of the theory and practice of historical Christianity ever put in print.

The church very naturally did not let such a book pa.s.s unanswered. Abbe Bergier, a heavy person, triumphantly refuted Holbach in eight hundred pages in his _Apologia de la Religion Chretienne contre l'Auteur du Christianisme devoile_, Paris, 1769, which finishes with the fatal prophecy, "Nous avons de surs garans de nos esperances: tant que le sang auguste de S. Louis sera sur le trone, _il n'y a point de revolutions a craindre ni dans la Religion ni dans la politique_. La religion Chretienne fondee sur la parole de Dieu... triomphera des nouveaux Philosophes. Dieu qui veille sur son ouvrage n'a pas besoin de nos faibles mains pour le soutenir" (Psaume 32, vs. 10, 11).

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Baron d'Holbach Part 2 summary

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