Essay on the Trial By Jury Part 9

"Then twelve, and no less, of such as are indifferent and are returned upon the princ.i.p.al panel, or the tales, are sworn to try the same according to the evidence." 2 Hale's History of the Common Law, 141.

It appears from Blackstone that, even at this day, neither in civil nor criminal cases, are jurors in England sworn to try causes according to law. He says tht in civil suits the jury are "Sworn well and truly to try the issue between the parties; and a true verdict to give according to the evidence." 3 Blackstone, 365.

"The issue" to be tried is whether A owes B anything and if so, how much? or whether A has in his possession anything that belongs to B; or whether A has wronged B, and ought to make compensation; and if so, how much?

No statute pa.s.sed by a legislature, simply as a legislature, can alter either of these "issues" in hardly any conceivable case, perhaps in none. No unjust law could ever alter them in any. They are all mere questions of natural justice, which legislatures have no power to alter, and with which they have no right to interfere, further than to provide for having them settled by the most competent and impartial tribunal that it is practicable to have, and then for having all just decisions enforced. And any tribunal, whether judge or jury, that attempts to try these issues, has no more moral right to be swerved from the line of justice, by the will of a legislature, than by the will of any other body of men whatever. And this oath does not require or permit a jury to be so swerved.

In criminal cases, Blackstone says the oath of the jury in England is:

"Well and truly to try, and true deliverance make, between our sovereign lord, the king, and the prisoner whom they have in charge, and a true verdict to give according to the evidence." 4 Blackstone, 355.

"The issue" to be tried, in a criminal case, is "guilty," or "not guilty." The laws pa.s.sed by a legislature can rarely, if ever, have anything to do with this issue. "Guilt" is an intrinsic quality of actions, and can neither be created, destroyed, nor changed by legislation. And no tribunal that attempts to try this issue can have any moral right to declare a man guilty, for an act that is intrinsically innocent, at the bidding of a legislature, any more than at the bidding of anybody else. And this oath does not require or permit a jury to do so.

The words, "according to the evidence," have doubtless been introduced into the above oaths in modern times. They are unquestionably in violation of the Common Law, and of Magna Carta, if by them be meant such evidence only as the government sees fit ft allow to go to the jury. If the government can dictate the evidence, and require the jury to decide according to that evidence, it necessarily dictates the conclusion to which they must arrive. In that case the trial is really a trial by the government, and not by the jury. The jury cannot try an issue, unless they determine what evidence shall be admitted. The ancient oaths, it will be observed, say nothing about "according to the evidence." They obviously take it for granted that the jury try the whole case; and of course that they decide what evidence shall be admitted. It would be intrinsically an immoral and criminal act for a jury to declare a man guilty, or to declare that one man owed. money to another, unless all the evidence were admitted, which they thought ought to be admitted, for ascertaining the truth.

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Grand Jury. If jurors are bound to enforce all laws pa.s.sed by the legislature, it is a very remarkable fact than the oath of grand juries does not require them to be governed by the laws in finding indictments. There have been various forms of oath administered to grand jurors; but by none of them that I recollect ever to have seen, except those of the States of Connecticut and Vermont, are they sworn to present men according to law.

The English form, as given in the essay on Grand Juries, written near two hundred years ago, and supposed to have been written by Lord Somers, is as follows:

"You shall diligently inquire, and true presentment make, of all such articles, matters, and things, as shall be given you in charge, and of all other matters and things as shall come to your knowledge touching this present service. The king's council, your fellows, and your own, you shall keep secret. You shall present no person for hatred or malice; neither shall you leave any one unpresented for favor, or affection, for love or gain, or any hopes thereof; but in all things you shall present the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, to the best of your knowledge. So help you G.o.d."

This form of oath is doubtless quite ancient, for the essay says "our ancestors appointed" it. See Essay, p. 33 34.

On the obligations of this oath, the essay says:"If it be asked how, or in what manner, the (grand) juries shall inquire, the answer is ready, according to the best of their understandings. They only, not the judges, are sworn to search diligently to find out all treasons, &c;., within their charge, and they must and ought to use their own discretion in the way and manner of their inquiry. No directions can legally be imposed upon there by any court or judges; an honest jury will thankfully accept good advice from judges, as their a.s.sistants; but they are bound by their oaths to present the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, to the best of their own, not the judge's, knowledge. Neither can they, without breach of that oath, resign their consciences, or blindly submit to the dictates of others; and therefore ought to receive or reject such advices, as they judge them good or bad. * *Nothing can be more plain and express than the words of the oath are to this purpose. The jurors need not search the law books, nor tumble over heaps of old records, for the explanation of them. Our greatest lawyers may from hence learn more certainly our ancient law in this case, than from all the books in their studies.

The language wherein the oath is penned is known and understood by every man, and the words in it have the same signification as they have wheresoever else they are used. The judges, without a.s.suming to themselves a legislative power, cannot put a new sense upon them, other than according to their genuine, common meaning. They cannot magisterially impose their opinions upon the jury, and make them forsake the direct words of their oath, to pursue their glosses. The grand inquest are bound to observe alike strictly every part of their oath, and to use all just and proper ways which may enable them to perform it; otherwise it were to say, that after men had sworn to inquire diligently after the truth, according to the best of their knowledge, they were bound to forsake all the natural and proper means which their understandings suggest for the discovery of it, if it be commanded by the judges." Lord Somers' Essay on Grand Juries, p. 88.

What is here said so plainly and forcibly of the oath and obligations of grand juries, is equally applicable to the oath and obligations of pet.i.t juries. In both cases the simple oaths of the jurors, and not the instructions of the judges, nor the statutes of kings nor legislatures, are their legal guides to their duties. [26]

SECTION IV. The Right of Juries to fix the Sentence.

The nature of the common law courts existing prior to Magna Carta, such as the county courts, the hundred courts, the court-leet, and the court-baron, all prove, what has already been proved from Magna Carta, that, in jury trials, the juries fixed the sentence; because, in those courts, there was no one but the jury who could fix it, unless it were the sheriff, bailiff, or steward; and no one will pretend that it was fixed by them. The juries unquestionably gave the "judgment"

in both civil and criminal cases.

That the juries were to fix the sentence under Magna Carta, is also shown by statutes subsequent to Magna Carta. A statute pa.s.sed fifty-one years after Magna Carta, says that a baker, for default in the weight of his bread, "debeat amerciari vel subire judicium pilloae,"

that is, "ought to be amerced, or suffer the sentence of the pillory."

And that a brewer, for "selling ale, contrary to the a.s.size," "debeat amerciari, vel pati judicium tumbrelli;" that is, "ought to be amerced, or suffer judgment of the tumbrel." 51 Henry III., st. 6. (1266.)

If the king (the legislative power) had had authority to fix the punishments of these offences imperatively, he would naturally have said these offenders shall be amerced, and shall suffer judgment of the pillory and tumbrel, instead of thus simply expressing the opinion that they ought to be punished in that manner.

The statute of Westminster, pa.s.sed sixty years after Magna Carta, provides that,"No city, borough, nor town, nor any man, be amerced, without reasonable cause, and according to the quant.i.ty of the trespa.s.s; that is to say, every freeman saving his freehold, a merchant saving his merchandise, a villein his waynage, and that by his or their peers." 3 Edward I., ch. 6. (1275.)

The same statute (ch. 18) provides further, that,"Forasmuch as the common fine and amercement of the whole county in Eyre of the justices for false judgments, or for other trespa.s.s, is unjustly a.s.sessed by sheriff's and baretors in the s.h.i.+res, so that the sum is many times increased, and the parcels otherwise a.s.sessed than they ought to be, to the damage of the people, which be many times paid to the sheriffs and baretors, which do not acquit the payers; it is provided, and the king wills, that from henceforth such sums shall be a.s.sessed before the justices in Eyre, afore their departure, by the oath of knights and other honest men, upon all such as ought to pay; and the justices shall cause the parcels to be put into their estreats, which shall be delivered up unto the exchequer, and not the whole sum." St. 3 Edward I., ch. 18, (1275.) [27]

The following statute, pa.s.sed in 1341, one hundred and twenty-five years after Magna Carta, providing for the trial of peers of the realm, and the king's ministers, contains a recognition of the principle of Magna Carta, that the jury are to fix the sentence.

"Whereas before this time the peers of the land have been arrested and imprisoned, and their temporalities, lands, and teneiments, goods and cattels, a.s.seized in the king's hands, and some put to death without judgment of their peers: It is accorded and a.s.sented, that no peer of the land, officer, nor other, because of his office, nor of things touching his office, nor by other cause, shall be brought in judgment to lose his temporalities, lands, tenements, goods and cattels, nor to be arrested, nor imprisoned, outlawed, exiled, nor forejudged, nor put to answer, nor be judged, but by award (sentence) of the said peers in Parliament." 15 Edward III., st. 1, sec. 2.

Section 4, of the same statute provides,

"That in every Parliament, at the third day of every Parliament.

the king shall take in his hands the offices of all the ministers aforesaid," (that is, "the chancellor, treasurer, barons, and chancellor of the exchequer, the justices of the one bench and of the other, justices a.s.signed in the country, steward and chamberlain of the king's house, keeper of the privy seal, treasurer of the wardrobe, controllers, and they that be chief deputed to abide nigh the king's son, Duke of Cornwall,") "and so they shall abide four or five days; except the offices of justices of the one place or the other, justices a.s.signed, barons of exchequer; so always that they and all other ministers be put to answer to every complaint; and if default be found in any of the said ministers, by complaint or other manner, and of that attainted in Parliament, he shall be punished by judgment of the peers, and put out of his office, and another convenient put in his place. And upon the same our said sovereign lord the king shall do (cause) to be p.r.o.nounced and made execution without delay, according to the judgment (sentence) of the said peers in the Parliament."

Here is an admission that the peers were to fix the sentence, or judgment, and the king promises to make execution "according to"

that sentence.

And this appears to be the law, under which peers of the realm and the great officers of the crown were tried and sentenced, for four hundred years after its pa.s.sage, and, for aught I know, until this day.

The first case given in Hargrave's collection of English State Trials, is that of Alexander Nevil, Archbishop of York, Robert Vere Duke of Ireland; Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, and Robert Tresilian, Lord Chief Justice of England, with several others, convicted of treason, before "the Lords of Parliament," in 1388. The sentences in these cases were adjudged by the "Lords of Parliament," in the following terms, as they are reported.

"Wherefore the said Lords of Parliament, there present, as judges in Parliament, in this case, by a.s.sent of the king, p.r.o.nounced their sentence, and did adjudge the said archbishop, duke, and earl, with Robert Tresilian, so appealed, as aforesaid, to be guilty, and convicted of treason, and to be drawn and hanged, as traitors and enemies to the king and kingdom; and that their heirs should be disinherited forever, and their lands and tenements, goods and chattels, forfeited to the king, and that the temporalities of the Archbishop of York should be taken into the king's hands."

Also, in the same case, Sir John Holt, Sir William Burgh, Sir John Cary, Sir Roger Fulthorpe, and John Locton, "were by the lords temporal, by the a.s.sent of the king, adjudged to be drawn and hanged, as traitors, their heirs disinherited, and their lands and tenements, goods and chattels, to be forfeited to the king."

Also, in the same case, John Blake, "of council for the king," and Thomas Uske, under sheriff of Middles.e.x, having been convicted of treason, "The lords awarded, by a.s.sent of the king, that they should both be hanged and drawn as traitors, as open enemies to the king and kingdom, and their heirs disinherited forever, and their lands and tenements, goods and chattels, forfeited to the king."

Also, "Simon Burleigh, the king's chamberlain," being convicted of treason, "by joint consent of the king and the lords, sentence was p.r.o.nounced against the said Simon Burleigh, that he should be drawn from the town to Tyburn, and there be hanged till he be dead, and then have his head struck from his body."

Also, "John Beauchamp, steward of the household to the king, James Beroverse, and John Salisbury; knights, gentlemen of the privy chamber, were in like manner condemned." 1 Hargrave's State Trials, first case.

Here the sentences were all fixed by the peers, with the a.s.sent of the king. But that the king should be consulted, and his a.s.sent obtained to the sentence p.r.o.nounced by the peers, does not imply any deficiency of power on their part to fix the sentence independently of the king. There are obvious reasons why they might choose to consult the king, and obtain his approbation of the sentence they were about to impose, without supposing any legal necessity for their so doing.

So far as we can gather from the reports of state trials, peers of the realm were usually sentenced by those who tried them, with the a.s.sent of the king. But in some instances no mention is made of the a.s.sent of the king, as in the case of "Lionel, Earl of Middles.e.x, Lord High Treasurer of England," in 1624, (four hundred years after Magna Carta,) where the sentence was as follows:

"This High Court of Parliament doth adjudge, that Lionel, Earl of Middles.e.x, now Lord Treasurer of England, shall lose all his offices which he holds in this kingdom, and shall, hereafter, be made incapable of any office, place, or employment in the state and commonwealth. That he shall be imprisoned in the tower of London, during the king's pleasure. That he shall pay unto our sovereign lord the king a fine of 50,000 pounds. That he shall never sit in Parliament any more, and that he shall never come within the verge of the court." 2 Howell's Stale Trials, 1250.

Here was a peer of the realm, and a minister of the king, of the highest grade; and if it were ever necessary to obtain the a.s.sent of the king to sentences p.r.o.nounced by the peers, it would unquestionably have been obtained in this instance, and his a.s.sent would have appeared in the sentence.

Lord Bacon was sentenced by the House of Lords, (l620,) no mention being made of the a.s.sent of the king. The sentence is in these words:

"And, therefore, this High Court doth adjudge, That the Lord Viscount St. Albans, Lord Chancellor of England, shall undergo fine and ransom of 40,000 pounds. That he shall be imprisoned in the tower during the king's pleasure. That he shall forever be incapable of any office, place, or employment in the state or commonwealth. That he shall never sit in Parliament, nor come within the verge of the court."

And when it was demanded of him, before sentence, whether it were his hand that was subscribed to his confession, and whether he would stand to it; he made the following answer, which implies that the lords were the ones to determine his sentence. "My lords, it is my act, my hand, my heart. I beseech your lords.h.i.+ps to be merciful to a broken reed." 1 Hargrave's State Trials, 886 7.

The sentence against Charles the First, (1648,) after reciting the grounds of his condemnation, concludes in this form:

"For all which treasons and crimes, this court doth adjudge, that he, the said Charles Stuart, as a tyrant, traitor, murderer, and public enemy to the good people of this nation, shall be put to death by the severing his head from his body."

The report then adds:

"This sentence being read, the president (of the court) spake as followeth: 'This sentence now read and published, is the act, sentence, judgment and resolution of the whole court.'

1 Hargrave's State Trials, 1037.

Unless it had been the received "law of the land" that those who tried a man should fix his sentence, it would have required an act of Parliament to fix the sentence of Charles, and his sentence would have been declared to be "the sentence of the law,"

instead of "the act, sentence, judgment, and resolution of the court."

But the report of the proceedings in "the trial of Thomas, Earl of Macclesfield, Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain, before the House of Lords, for high crimes and misdemeanors in the execution of his office," in 1725, is so full on this point, and shows so clearly that it rested wholly with the lords to fix the sentence, and that the a.s.sent of the king was wholly unnecessary, that I give the report somewhat at length.