Voices; Birth-Marks; The Man and the Elephant Part 24

Word was pa.s.sed among the Indians that Chief Cross-Bearer was the leader of the white men. They ceased their hostile demonstrations and made peace signs. The white men were invited to land and a great pow-wow ensued.

The Mingoes were on their way home from a council with certain Shauanese, who at that time were camping some miles up the Big Miami.

Three canoe loads of the Shauanese had come to the Ohio with the Prophet's party, which was returning to the Scioto.

The Prophet, when told of the intention of the whites and their destination, shook his head and asked that they build on the south side of the river, saying: "If no, cause big heaps of trouble with Miami."

After some delay the whites re-embarked and paddled up the river accompanied by the Mingoes. When they reached Losanteville the whole party landed, the Indians spending the night with the whites. Again the Prophet told Mr. Filson and John of the danger that threatened all settlements on the north bank of the river.

Filson had about completed marking off the town and surveying the 800-acre boundary, when one day taking his rifle he wandered off into the wilderness looking for game. He had been gone about an hour, when several shots in rapid succession were heard. The men of the colony suspecting that he had been attacked by the Indians started into the woods but at John's suggestion remained where they were on guard, while he alone, without a rifle, but wearing his girdle, went in the direction of the shooting.

In a half hour he returned, carrying the dead surveyor on his shoulders.

He had found him still alive, though scalped and shot through the body in several places. He died shortly after telling John he had been a.s.saulted by a dozen Shauanese.

They buried him under a great elm on the bank of the river, just beyond the boundary of the town-site; the name of which was changed to Cincinnati a short time after his death.

John and David spent all of January and February working for the town company. When the preliminary work was completed they were paid off and with most of the men who had come with them from Lee's Town, started for home in their canoes.

On the sixth of March at the mouth of the Kentucky river they came upon Wilkinson's flotilla of five large batteaux loaded with tobacco and produce consigned to the Spanish Intendant at New Orleans. The boats were temporarily delayed because they had not procured a sufficient guard for the voyage.

The General, seeing John Campbell and David Clark, both of whom he knew, called them into his cabin and suggested that they and their companions act as guard of the flotilla, promising to pay John, whom he had noticed acted as leader of the party $12.00 per month in specie and the men $10.00 for the trip.

This offer John declined as did the other men at his suggestion. But when General Wilkinson, knowing John's sentiments, explained that none of them because of the employment were expected to adopt his views upon treaty relations with Spain and had nothing to do but guard the cargo from Indians and river pirates; and also learning that Wilkinson was only going as far as Louisville, at the request of the others he accepted the employment.

General Wilkinson insisted that John and David share his cabin to Louisville and occupy it the rest of the voyage, which was the custom of the captain of the guard.

Floating down the broad river with little to do; the General, to gauge the strength of John's character, asked him many questions and by flattery and argument sought to make him compromise the views he had expressed. In part he said:

"I was much surprised by your speech. It showed a knowledge of history and the political situation confronting this district which in one of your age and experience is remarkable. Your manner was earnest, your argument plausible and at first blush, convincing; but you are wrong.

Disregarding the question of policy, which is rarely done and then usually regretted; saying nothing of the District's commercial salvation, which to a settler should be his first great law; without compromise of honor or conscience my better judgment advises that Kentucky is ent.i.tled to state sovereignty. Virginia east of the Alleghanies is as distant, knows nothing and cares less for our wants, has no more right to tax us, to grant away lands in Kentucky and exercise other rights of sovereignty over the District than had King George and his ministers to exercise similar power over the colonies.

What is vital to Kentucky does not interest Tidewater, Virginia, except as one is interested in the other as a compet.i.tor. That section naturally wishes to maintain its monopoly of commerce with the District, to be the only outlet for all we produce; therefore it opposes a southern and independent commercial outlet by way of the Mississippi.

Again they grumble when called upon to help protect us from Indian raids, or at being taxed for such a purpose and refuse to furnish soldiers and arms for our protection. General George Rogers Clark, whose loyalty to the Union has never been questioned, expressed my point in his epigrammatic plea to the Virginia a.s.sembly. 'That a country which they did not think worth defending was not worth claiming.' You concede that Kentucky should be carved off as an independent state from Virginia. Now we begin to differ. You are dramatically violent in declamation though not convincing in argument, that it should be a part of the Union; and that a majority of the states shall fix its commercial policies and regulate by treaty or contract, commercial relations with a foreign power, Spain for instance; and thus obtain free navigation of the Mississippi; which can be done in no other way and is vital to our commercial prosperity. If this right, which it seems is inherent as a law of necessity, is opposed by the other states from a selfish commercial policy or as inexpedient from a governmental policy such as Jay suggests; then the independent state, as is Kentucky's case, has a right to withdraw from the confederacy and make such treaties with foreign powers as will preserve her commercially.

"If your conscience would permit you to champion such a commercial policy, I see before you the prospect of great wealth and happiness.

First, as a mere starter, I could make you captain of my flotilla and advance you some capital with which you could buy tobacco and other produce and a stock of goods. With these resources, trading along the river and bartering your produce for merchandise in New Orleans, you would make five times your wages as captain. You would in a sense be my junior partner; and Captain Fairfax, I am convinced, would be delighted to have you marry his very charming daughter."

"General, that is enough. I will have nothing to do with your Spanish Conspiracy. Even Captain Fairfax's daughter is no inducement. If you mention this matter again I shall be convinced that my employment is a mere subterfuge to corrupt my loyalty to the Union and leave your boat."

"As you will, as you will-but in some ways you are acting the part of a fool."

A few hours later the flotilla arrived at Louisville; where after pa.s.sing the falls the boats took on additional cargo and resumed their voyage. General Wilkinson as he left the boat handed John a letter, saying: "This communication is very important. You must deliver it in person. It contains the invoice of the cargo and a demand for payment.

You will in return be handed $9,000 in gold for the consignment. May you see and learn much before your return; experience is a great teacher."

The letter was addressed to Don Estevan Miro, Governor and Intendente of Louisiana; and supposing it to contain what General Wilkinson had represented and therefore of great importance, John placed it in the inner pocket of his hunting s.h.i.+rt.

CHAPTER XIV.-The Conspirator.

General Wilkinson made his first trip to New Orleans with a cargo of tobacco, flour, hides and bacon in June, 1787. It was seized by the authorities; but after an interview with Governor Miro was released and sold without the payment of duty.

He remained in New Orleans until August, when he traveled home by s.h.i.+p to the Virginia coast and thence overland to the District of Kentucky, where he arrived in September.

He reappeared in Lexington in an ornate coach drawn by four horses and attended by several slaves. Always of prodigal habits, he now seemed to have money to indulge his every whim. In his pocket he carried a paper to which he gave the widest publicity and which made him popular. It was a private trading treaty signed by Governor Miro, authorizing him to import the raw products of Kentucky to New Orleans duty free; and an offer on behalf of the Spanish Government to purchase all tobacco he should deliver at New Orleans at nine and one-half cents a pound.

Because of this permit, he was treated by some as the idol of the hour; by others with indifference, and by partisans of the Country Party he was declared a traitor to his country.

He became the head of the Court Party to which Innes, then attorney general, Brown, Kentucky's first delegate to Congress, and Sebastian, Judge of the Court of Appeals, belonged.

It might be said that at that time, Kentucky had at least four local political issues, but two political parties.

FIRST (Advocated by Wilkinson wing of the Court Party)-That Kentucky should become a province of Louisiana. The bribe they held out was the Wilkinson permit, a promise of unrestricted navigation of the Mississippi, trade privileges with New Orleans and free grants to actual settlers of great boundaries of land in Louisiana Territory.

SECOND (Advocated by the Brown wing of the Court Party)-That Kentucky should become a sovereign state independent of the Union, a new republic which was to enter into treaty relations as an independent power.

THIRD (A surviving Tory influence)-That Kentucky as a sovereign state, independent of the Union, with the a.s.sistance of the British Northwest should declare war upon Spain and seize New Orleans.

FOURTH (The Country Party, led by Colonel Thomas Marshall)-An immediate severance of Kentucky from Virginia; an independent commonwealth but remain one of the confederacy of states; confident that the Union in good time would by treaty or by force, open the Mississippi to free navigation.

In June, 1788, another flotilla of Wilkinson's arrived in New Orleans; the tobacco of the cargo was sold to the Spanish Government for seven thousand dollars.

The boats on the return trip were loaded with merchandise worth "$18,246 and six reals." This cargo had been purchased for Wilkinson by his agent, Daniel Clark, Sr., a citizen of Spain, a resident merchant of New Orleans and a cousin of David Clark, Sr., of Danville.

The flotilla in charge of John Calvin Campbell made the voyage of fourteen hundred miles to New Orleans in twenty-four days, arriving on the second day of April, 1789.

The city at that time had a population of exceeding 5,500 persons, and had fully recovered from the disastrous fire of Good Friday, March 21, 1788, when more than eight hundred and fifty-six houses had been destroyed; among them the princ.i.p.al stores, the town hall, the prison and the a.r.s.enal.

John immediately upon arrival went to the palace of the Governor to deliver the sealed package given him by General Wilkinson. Informed that Miro was out of the city he returned to the wharf and began unloading the cargo.

The following day as they were unloading the last boat and almost the last hogshead of tobacco, it slipped from the derrick hooks and rolled upon his foot. While the injury was not serious it so crippled him that when Governor Miro returned he was unable to deliver the letter in person. He handed it to David Clark with positive instructions to give it to no one but the Governor.

David after quite a wait was admitted to the Governor's office and handing the sealed package to him was told to be seated.

The Governor broke the seal and took from the package an invoice of the cargo and several other papers. He attempted to read a letter accompanying them; finding it hard to do so because he read English rather indifferently, though he spoke it with comparative ease, he sent a messenger for his secretary, Daniel Clark, Jr. As it happened he was out; and supposing the letter referred merely to the cargo invoices, he handed it to David, asking him to read it aloud.

Just as David began, they were interrupted by the arrival of an important personage, who was escorted by the Governor into an adjoining room where they remained in conference for some time. David, to familiarize himself with the handwriting rather than from curiosity, began reading the letter; as he read he became interested and finally alarmed. This is what he read:

"Kentucky, March 8, 1789.

"My loved and venerated Sir:

"I have again the pleasure of writing you and take this opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of your letter and the money sent by Major Isaac Dunn.

"The information given you by Oliver Pollock that John Brown also advocates an independent government for Kentucky and the Northwest Territory with treaty relations with Spain, is as far as I have yet succeeded in committing him. He, Sebastian, Innes and I are in accord to this extent-That Kentucky must be erected into a state independent of the Union and at liberty to align itself with Spain. Innes and Brown say this should be by treaty, while Fairfax, Sebastian and I insist that Kentucky shall be a province of Louisiana, I have no doubt we shall all be in accord when the convention meets at Danville on the third Monday in July. Until then I shall be busy with the delegates. At the convention, if the occasion is auspicious I shall disclose our great plan or so much thereof as the circ.u.mstances require and am convinced that it will meet with a most favorable reception.

"The Virginia a.s.sembly has pa.s.sed a third enabling act, expressing a willingness for the regular separation of Kentucky as soon as possible; though stipulating as a necessary condition of our independence, that Congress recognize us as a State of the Federal Union; but a convention has been called and members elected for the purpose of forming a const.i.tution for Kentucky and I am persuaded that no action of Congress or the State of Virginia, will ever induce this people to abandon the plan they have adopted; although I have recent news to the effect that we shall be recognized as a sovereign state by Congress. In the meantime I hope to receive your orders and I shall labor hard and faithfully to promote what you may order.

"If the new government succeeds in establis.h.i.+ng itself, it will encounter difficulties that will keep it without vigor for three or four years; before which time I have good reasons to hope we shall complete our negotiations and shall be too strong to be subjected by whatever force may be sent against us. My fears then, arise solely from the policy that may prevail in your Court. I fear the change of the present ministry and more, that of the administration of Louisiana; an event which you are able to judge better than I; and I beg you to speak to me clearly on this subject.