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What Gunpowder Plot Was Part 11

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[98] This distinctly implies that Percy did not know the secret before, and I therefore wish to retract my former argument--which is certainly not conclusive--in favour of an earlier knowledge by Percy. _Hist. of Engl._ 1603-1642, i. 235, note 1.

[99] "In his declaration, November 8th, however," writes Father Gerard (p. 91, note 1), "he gives as a reason for going abroad, 'lest, being a dangerous man, he should be known and suspected.'" I see no discrepancy between the two statements. Having been long abroad, Fawkes's face would not be known to the ordinary Londoner as that of a Recusant, and he was therefore better qualified to act as a watchman than others who were so known. On the other hand, when there was no need for anybody to watch at all, somebody who had known him in Flanders might notify the Government of his appearance in England, and thereby raise suspicions against him.

Besides, there were other reasons for his going over which Fawkes did not think fit to bring to the notice of the Government.

[100] Began October 9, ended November 28.

[101] Marginal note: "This was about a month before Michaelmas."



[102] The Duke of York, afterwards Charles I.

[103] Some such words as 'we resolved' are probably omitted here.

[104] In MS. 'taken it before.'

[105] Interlined in the King's hand 'which was about four thousand pounds.'

[106] Altered in the King's hand to 'to the number of ten,' with a marginal note 'unclear phrase,' in the same hand.

[107] Prince Henry.

[108] Perhaps the Prince was with his mother at Greenwich.

[109] Oct. 27.

[110] Oct. 31.

[111] Nov. 1.

[112] Nov. 2.

[113] Nov. 3.

[114] Nov. 4.

[115] 5 A.M. on Nov. 5.

[116] Nov. 6.

[117] Nov. 7.

[118] Nov. 8.

[119] The attestation in brackets is in Salisbury's hand.

[120] _Gerard_, p. 182.

[121] _I.e._, Thomas Winter.

[122] Mrs. Everett Green's abstract of this, to the effect that Fawkes said that the conspiracy 'was confined to five persons at first, then to two, and afterwards five more were added,' has no foundation in the doc.u.ment she had before her.

[123] _G. P. B._ No. 49.

[124] _G. P. B._ No. 37.

[125] _G. P. B._ No. 133.

[126] The name 'Key' or 'Keyes' occurs in both of them without his Christian name.

[127] _Proclamation Book, R.O._

[128] _G. P. B._ No. 129.

[129] 'The Discourse of the Powder Treason,' published in Bishop Montague's _Works of James I._, p. 233, only forms part of the original so-called 'King's Book,' which was published anonymously in 1605 (_i.e._, before March 25, 1606) under the t.i.tle of _His Majesty's Speech in this last Session of Parliament ... together with a Discourse of the Manner of the Discovery of this late Intended Treason, joined with the Examination of Some of the Prisoners_.--Brit. Mus., Press Mark E. 1940, No. 10. In the Preface directed by the Printer to the Reader, the Printer states that he was about to commit the Speech to the press when there came into his hands 'a discourse of this late intended most abominable treason,' which he has added. The King's speech was delivered on November 9, and, if it was to be published, it is not likely to have been long kept back. The discourse consists of four parts--1. An account of the discovery of the plot, and arrest of Fawkes. 2. Fawkes's declaration of the 17th. 3. Winter's confession of the 23rd. 4. An account of the flight and capture of the conspirators. The whole composition shows signs of an early date. Part 1 knows nothing of any names except those of Percy and Johnson _alias_ Fawkes, and was probably, therefore, drawn up before the confession of the 9th. At the end it slips off from a statement that Fawkes, having been 'twice or thrice examined when the rack having been only offered and showed unto him, the mask of his Roman fort.i.tude did visibly begin to wear and slide off his face, and then did he begin to confess part of the truth,' into 'and thereafter to open up the whole matter as doth appear by his depositions immediately following.' Then comes the declaration of November 17, with Winter amongst the diggers and Keyes amongst those afterwards made privy. Between Parts 2 and 3 we have the following statement: "And in regard that before this discovery could be ready to go to the press, Thomas Winter, being apprehended and brought to the Tower, made a confession in substance agreeing with this former of Fawkes's, only larger in some circ.u.mstances. I have thought good to insert the same likewise in this place, for the further clearing of the matter and greater benefit of the reader." May we not gather from this that the 'discourse' was finally made up for the press on or very soon after the 23rd? Winter, it may be noted, does not mention the name either of his brother or of Keyes.

[130] _Gerard_, App. E., p. 251.

[131] This note is on too small a scale to be reproduced in the frontispiece.

[132] This name is given at a later time to the 'Pa.s.sage leading to the Parliament Stairs' of Capon's plan, and I have, for convenience sake, referred to it throughout by that name.

[133] See p. 22.

[134] _Gerard_, p. 62.

[135] _Gerard_, pp. 141, 142.

[136] I suppose Thomas Barlow is meant. William Barlow, who was Bishop of Lincoln in the reign of James I., did not write about the plot.

[137] Speed's _History_, ed. 1611, p. 891.

[138] March 24th, 1604.

[139] Copy of the Agreement, _G. P. B._, No. 1.

[140] Pat. 44 Eliz., Part 22.

[141] _Gerard_, p. 60, note 1.

[142] _Smith's Antiquities of Westminster_, p. 39. The question of the number of doors in the cellar will be dealt with hereafter.

[143] _Gerard_, p. 67.

[144] _Gerard_, p. 65.

[145] P. 56.

[146] Pat. 4 Edw. _VI._, Part 9.

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